Answer 1:
Theories of Non –Violence
The two main non-violent philosophers Robert Holmes and Gene Sharp define Non-Violence as 'collective action outside the official institutions or processes of the sovereign that excludes habitual or purposeful use of violence or military force to accomplish its political or social aims (Mayton and Mayton 2009). In two crucial ways, Sharp has systematized nonviolence more broadly. He first organized effective non-violent resistance strategies and tactics utilizing a range of diverse instances. His categorization has brought structure and order to the wide range of nonviolent behaviors that have been recorded for centuries. The core of Sharp's theory of authority is very straightforward: sections of society can be categorized as rulers and subjects; the strength of monarchs originates from the assent of the disciplines; nonviolent activity is a procedure of backing away concurrence and is thus an opportunity to confront the major contemporary issues of autocracy, ethnic cleansing, conflict, and oppressive systems. Nonviolent demonstration and appeal are both categorized as including "...many approaches, which are mostly metaphorical gestures of nonviolent dissent or intended appeal. These go beyond simple vocal opinions but refrain from non-cooperation or non-violent interference. These techniques show "the level of resistance or acceptance" and "the number of participants” (Sharp 1973).
Answer 2. The real-world circumstance of the following concept of non-violence can be detailed with the freedom struggle of India against the British. Mahatma Gandhi one of the most influential leaders in the freedom struggle preached non-violence as one of the strongest weapons to conquer the situation. Gandhi and his followers practiced non-violence to fight against the British, they believed that if the British hit them, they should present their bodies for more beating, and ultimately there will be a feeling of sympathy as everyone is a human (Gandhi and Gandhi 1965). This movement brought in a new revolution in India and played a crucial role in achieving freedom.
Answer 1:
Contentious Politics
Using controversial tactics to advance a political agenda or alter public policy is known as contentious politics. Instances of such tactics include disruptive social behaviors including protests, general strikes, riots, terror attacks, civil disobedience, and even rebellion or revolt. Progressive groups frequently partake in divisive politics (Tilly and Tarrow 2015). These types of conflict are set apart by the notion from the commonplace forms of defiance studied by James C. Scott, transnational warfare, and modes of conflict only used in correctional institutions, such as voting or games. By "conversations in which players make assertions impacting on another's a benefit, in which authorities emerge either as recipients, activators of allegations, or third parties," political theorist Charles Tilly means contested politics (McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly 2009) A method for examining regional tensions and revolutionary movements is the notion of contentious politics. A political dispute is highlighted by the emergence of practices and methods, as well as the connection between government and activities. These systems and strategies account for the variability in people's political situations.
Answer 2.
The suspension of immigrants in Australia has been a contentious political topic for more than 20 years. The options for political change in Australia regarding immigration detention, especially for the fulfillment of prisoners' human rights, are restricted even though the country is a participant in each of the global human rights agreements. This is due to several factors, including the fact that immigration detainment is classified as "preventive detention" in Australia, that border control detention is supported by both major political parties there, and the apparent animosity the Australian government has towards equality and human rights (Hanagan 2008). Although these circumstances have made seeking change through conventional policy and administrative channels difficult, protecting human rights is still achievable. The opposition, slogans, and road blocks are the consequences of the above scenario and give a perfect example of Contentious politics.
Answer 1: Post Fordism
Since the late 20th century, the dominating paradigm of productive capacity, consumerism, and related cultural phenomena has been termed as post-Fordism. Fordism, the production-line-based, Taylorist scientific management system developed in Henry Ford's automobile manufacturing, is compared with that as well. In Fordism, employees execute repetitious, specialized jobs on a manufacturing line. Experts argued on how to define post-nature Fordism and breadth, which has many various conceptions (Jessop 1996). The rise of work methodologies reliant on technological tools as well as digital labor are examples of differences in the composition of labor. Throughout Fordism, multinational firms use production methods to produce goods for mass consumption. Standardized manufacturing is very hard to change once it has started. The volume of output is what keeps the Fordist plant alive. The cost of the items decreases as manufacturing runs grow. Only those goods that mass manufacturers deem reasonable to make are made available to the masses (Amin 2011). The economy is based on commerce. Consumption becomes standardized, just like production. Large-scale government initiatives (such as building new highways) are prevalent nowadays to support Fordism.
Answer 2.
The Third Italy, an area, is where one of the most significant instances of the specialized post-Fordist industry occurred. Turin, Milan, and Genoa were among the locations of large-scale mass industry in First Italy, whereas the underdeveloped South was covered in Second Italy. However, in the country's northeast and center throughout the 1970s and 1980s, groups of small businesses and workplaces began to emerge. Tuscany, Umbria, Marche, Emilia-Romagna, Veneto, Friuli, and Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol were among the regions that made up the Third Italy. Each region specialized in a variety of tangentially connected goods, and each workshop typically employed between five and fifty people, though frequently less than 10. Each region's product selection demonstrated the post-Fordist trend to scale economies (Muehlebach 2011). These workshops were also recognized for fabricating goods and hiring highly qualified, handsome pay staff. Businesses, architects, technicians, and laborers collaborated in the highly design-focused, interdisciplinary seminars.
Amin, A. ed., 2011. Post-Fordism: a reader. John Wiley & Sons.
Gandhi, M. and Gandhi, M., 1965. Gandhi on non-violence. New Directions Publishing.
Hanagan, M., 2008. Contentious Politics.
Jessop, B., 1996. Post-Fordism and the state. In Comparative welfare systems (pp. 165-183). Palgrave Macmillan, London.
Mayton, D. and Mayton II, D., 2009. Nonviolence and peace psychology. New York: Springer.
McAdam, D., Tarrow, S. and Tilly, C., 2009. Comparative perspectives on contentious politics. Comparative politics: Rationality, culture, and structure, pp.260-290.
Muehlebach, A., 2011. On affective labor in post‐Fordist Italy. Cultural Anthropology, 26(1), pp.59-82.
Sharp, G., 1973. The politics of nonviolent action, 3 vols. Boston: Porter Sargent, 2.
Tilly, C. and Tarrow, S.G., 2015. Contentious politics. Oxford University Press.
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